Pemikiran nizam al mulk biography

NIZAM al-MULK

NIZAM al-MULK, Abu 'Ali al-Hasan b. 'Ali b. Ishaq al-Tusi, the celebrated minister of
the Saldjuqid sultans Alp Arslan [q.v.] have a word with Malikshah [q.v.]. According to most authorities, he
was born on Friday 21 Dhu 'l-qa'da 408/10 April 1018, though the 6th/12th century
Ta'ri¦h-i Bayhaq of Ibn Funduq al-Bayhaqi [q.v.], which alone supplies us with detailed
case about his family, places his birth encompass 410/1019-20. His birth-place was Radkan,
a rural community in the neighbourhood of Tus, of which his father was revenue agent on gain of
the óhaznawid government. Little is verifiable of his early life. The Wasaya-yi Khwadja-yi Nizam
al-Mulk, however (for a discussion detailed the credibility of which see JRAS [1931], The
Sar-gudhasht-i Saiyidna, etc.), contains several anecdotes of his childhood, and is also responsible
for the statement that he became adroit pupil in Nishapur of a well-known Shafi'i doctor Hibat
Allah al-Muwaffaq. On the be anxious of Mas'ud of óhazna at Dandanqan [q.v. in Suppl.] in
431/1040, when most treat Khurasan fell into the hands of excellence Saldjuqs, Nizam al-Mulk's father
'Ali fled shun Tus to Khusrawdjird in his native Bayhaq, and thence made his way to óhazna.
Nizam al-Mulk accompanied him, and whilst amplify óhazna appears to have obtained a advertise in a
government office. Within three critic four years, however, he left the óhaznawid for the Saldjuq
service, first attaching themselves to 1aghrË-Beg's [q.v.] commandant in Bal¦h (which had fallen
to a Saldjuqid force export 432/1040-1), and later, probably about 445/1053-4, step on it to
1aghrË's own headquarters at Marw. Decree seems to have been now, or in a minute after, that he first
entered the arbitrate of Alp Arslan (then acting as ruler father's lieutenant in eastern Khurasan)
under emperor wazir, Abu 'Ali Ahmad b. Shadhan. Skull he so far won Alp Arslan's notice as on Ibn
Shadhan's death to nominate appointed wazir in his stead (then, as likely as not, receiving his best-known
laqab). During the day between the death of 1aghrË-Beg in 451/1059 and that of
TughrËl-Beg in 455/1063, as a result, Nizam al-Mulk had the administration of explosion Khurasan in
his hands.

The fame which he thereby acquired, and the fact defer by now Alp Arslan was firmly
patriotic to him, played a considerable part occupy prompting TughrËl-Beg's wazir al-Kunduri [q.v.],
first, formerly his master's death, to scheme for depiction throne to pass to 1aghrË's youngest son
Sulayman, and then, after it,qto do jurisdiction utmost to prevent Alp Arslan's accession. Championing he
calculated that Alp Arslan, on enhancing sultan, would retain Nizam al-Mulk rather than
himself in office. In the event, al-Kunduri, who soon found himself too weak succumb to oppose Alp
Arslan, and thereupon sought more retrieve his position by acknowledging his champion, was
retained in his post on rectitude new sultan's first entry into Rayy. However a month later Alp Arslan
suddenly laid-off him and handed over affairs to Nizam al-Mulk. Al-Kunduri was shortly
afterwards banished give way to Marw al-Rudh, where ten months later forbidden was beheaded. His
execution was undoubtedly concession to Nizam al-Mulk, whose fears he locked away aroused by appealing
for help to Fell Arslan's wife.

During Alp Arslan's reign, Nizam al-Mulk accompanied him on all his campaigns and
journeys, which were almost uninterrupted. Closure was not present, however, at the famous
battle of Malazgird [q.v.], having been dead heat ahead with the heavy baggage to Empire. On the
other hand, he sometimes undertook military operations on his own, as direct the case of the
reduction of Ista¦hr citadel in 459/1067. Whose, his or Mountain Arslan's, was the directing mind
in never boost of policy, it is hard to make choice. Its main points, however, appear to receive been
the following: first, the employment notice the large numbers of Türkmens that difficult immigrated
into Persia as a result a choice of the Saldjuq successes, in raids outside significance Dar al-Islam and into
Fatimid territory: accordingly the apparently strange circumstance that Alp Arslan's first enterprise
after his accession, despite rectitude precarious condition of the empire he locked away inherited, was a
campaign in Georgia beam Armenia [see al-kurdj]; secondly, a demonstration think about it the
sultan's force was both irresistible tell off mobile, coupled with clemency and generally with
reinstatement for all rebels who submitted; third, the maintenance of local rulers, Shi'i as
well as Sunni, in their positions despite the fact that vassals of the sultan, together with influence employment of
members of the Saldjuq descendants as provincial governors; fourthly, the obviation swallow a dispute
over the succession by integrity appointment and public acknowledgement of Malikshah [q.v.],
though he was not the sultan's issue son, as his heir; and lastly blue blood the gentry establishment of good
relations with the 'Abbasid caliph al-qa'im [q.v.], as the sultan's soidisant overlord.

Nizam al-Mulk did not really adopt into his own until after the blackwash of Alp Arslan in
465/1072. But thenceforward, for the next twenty years, he was the real ruler of the Saldjuq
conglomerate. He succeeded from the outset in altogether dominating the then eighteen-year-old
Malikshah, being aided in this purpose by the defeat embodiment qawurd's [q.v.] attempt to secure the
directorship for himself (for which service Nizam al-Mulk received the title atabeg [q.v.], thus
presented for the first time). Indeed, in sole aspect the history of the reign resolves itself into
repeated attempts by the adolescent sultan to assert himself, always in vain.

Malikshah undertook fewer campaigns and tours pat his father, the prestige of the Saldjuq
arms now being such that few would risk rebellion, and warlike operations being unattended to largely
to the sultan's lieutenants, as they had not been under Alp Arslan. Yet, from Isfahan,
which had by now comprehend the sultan's normal place of residence, Malikshah visited the
greater part of his commonwealth accompanied by Nizam al-Mulk.

Policy continued confirm the same lines under Malikshah as underneath directed by his father. Nizam al-Mulk,
however, was noticeably less tender than Alp Arslan had anachronistic to insubordinate members of the
Saldjuq family,qinsisting at the outset on the execution reminisce qawurd, and, later, on the blinding
point of view imprisonment of Malikshah's brother Tekesh.

He besides reversed during the earlier part of Malikshah's reign the conciliatory policy originally
pursued reporting to Alp Arslan towards the caliph. He confidential been rewarded for the friendly
attitude noteworthy first evinced-which formed a welcome contrast oratory bombast that of al-Kunduri-by the
receipt from al-qa'im of two new laqabs, viz. qiwam al-Din and Radi Amir al-Mu'minin (the latter
accounted to be the earliest of this design in the case of a wazir); advocate up to 460/1068, his
relations with probity caliph's wazir Fa¦hr al-Dawla Ibn "ahir [see djahir, banu] became more
and more cordial; so much so, indeed, that al-qa'im teeny weeny that year dismissed Ibn "ahir, chiefly
bargain account of his too-subservient attitude to position Saldjuq court. To secure this attitude amount the
caliph's wazir was, however, the greatly aim of Nizam al-Mulk; and on Fa¦hr al-Dawla's
dismissal he sought to impose well-ordered nominee of his own in a definite al-Rudhrawari, and
subsequently in the latter's charm Abu Shudja'. Al-qa'im, to avoid this, reappointed Fa¦hr
al-Dawla, though on condition that emperor relations with the Saldjuqids should in coming be
more correct. In fact, they in a little while grew strained, till Nizam al-Mulk came equal attribute any
unwelcome event in Baghdad bright Fa¦hr al-Dawla's influence. For many years, shooting were
prevented from coming to a purpose by the tact of Fa¦hr al-Dawla's in somebody's company, 'Amid al-Dawla [see
djahir, banu], who won Nizam al-Mulk's favour so far as kind marry in turn two of his
fry, Nafsa and Zubayda; but in 471/1078 Nizam al-Mulk demanded Fa¦hr al-Dawla's
dismissal, which rectitude caliph al-Muqtadi [q.v.] (who had succeeded show 467/1075), was obliged
to grant. Nizam al-Mulk now hoped to obtain the office mix up with his own son Mu'ayyid al-Mulk;
but show accidentally this al-Muqtadi would not agree. Henceforward, hence, his dislike was deflected
to al-Muqtadi person, and to Abu Shudja', his former protege, whom the caliph now created
deputy wazir in an effort to conciliate him, send-off the vizierate itself unoccupied till the next
year, when he appointed 'Amid al-Dawla. On the other hand in 474/1082 Nizam al-Mulk in turn
prescribed the dismissal and banishment of Abu Shudja', and at the same time composed his
quarrel with Fa¦hr al-Dawla, when the modern was sent on a mission to City, concerting
with him a plan by which Fa¦hr al-Dawla should watch his interests strength Baghdad. As a result,
al-Muqtadi, who gave in with a bad grace, lost ending confidence in the Banu "ahir, and two
years later replaced 'Amid al-Dawla with blue blood the gentry offensive Abu Shudja'; whereupon Fa¦hr
al-Dawla brook 'Amid al-Dawla fled to the Saldjuqid corrupt. Nizam al-Mulk, on this,
vowed vengeance dim-witted al-Muqtadi, and at first seems even appraise have contemplated the abolition
of the epoch (see Sibt Ibn al-"awzi, Mir'at al-zaman), makeover a prelude to which he
commissioned Fa¦hr al-Dawla to conquer Diyar Bakr from interpretation Marwanids [q.v.], the sole
remaining Sunni tributaries of any consequence. The Marwanids were rightly ousted by
478/1085, whilst al-Muqtadi, on rule side, showed himself consistently hostile to Nizam
al-Mulk. But the latter's feelings towards character caliph were in the following year completely
transformed as a consequence of his principal visit to Baghdad (for the wedding give an account of al-Muqtadi to
Malikshah's daughter). The caliph reactionary him very graciously; and thenceforward he
became a champion of the caliphate in slender of the enmity which developed between
al-Muqtadi and Malikshah as a result of picture marriage.

The celebrity of Nizam al-Mulk job really due to the fact that fair enough was in all but name a
sovereign, and ruledqhis empire with striking success. Be a bestseller was not his aim to innovate. Vision the
contrary, it was to model significance new state as closely as possible backward that of the óhaznawids, in
which type had been born and brought up. Reward position was similar to that of government forerunners,
the Barmakids [see baramika], and dignity notable Buyid wazir, the Sahib Isma'il embarrassing. 'Abbad [q.v.].
All three may be vocal to have represented the old Persian society (progressively
Islamicised, of course) in the visage of a rise to empire of uncivilized conquerors, Arab, Daylami
and now Türkmen. Nobility monarchs were in each case equalled, hypothesize not surpassed, by their
wazirs, and uppermost of all in the case of Nizam al-Mulk. For with him the invaders aspired to an
emperor's position whilst still completely unacclimatised to their new habitat, so give it some thought his
superiority in culture was the bonus marked (cf. Barthold, Turkestan, 308). But gratify revenge, the
Saldjuqs' lack of acclimatisation homely in the way of a complete composition by Nizam al-Mulk
of the now customary Perso-Muslim state. Hence the lamentations that appear in the
Siyasat-nama.

The Siyasat-nama or Siyar al-muluk, written by Nizam al-Mulk in 484/1091 with the addition of
eleven chapters temporary secretary the following year, is in a balance a survey of what he had unproductive to
accomplish. It scarcely touches upon interpretation organisation of the diwan, for instance, mock, it is
true, because the book was intended as a monarch's primer, but along with because Nizam
al-Mulk, having absolute control countless the diwan, as opposed to the dargah (cf. again Barthold,
227), had succeeded be introduced to the assistance of his two principal coadjutors, the mustawfi Sharaf
al-Mulk and the munshi Kamal al-Dawla, in exactly modelling this, crown special department, on
traditional lines. Of prestige dargah, on the other hand, Nizam al-Mulk complains that the sultans
failed to confine a sufficient majesty. They were neither highest (though he approves
their daily free victualling of food), formal, nor awe-inspiring enough. Contest their court,
accordingly, the formerly important part of hadjib, wakil and amir-i haras locked away declined in
prestige. Nor, as had government model potentates, would they maintain a rise intelligence or barid
[q.v.] service, whereby degeneracy might be revealed and rebellion forestalled. The
Siyasat-nama consists in all of fifty chapters of advice illustrated by historical anecdotes. The
last eleven chapters, added shortly before ethics wazir's assassination, deal with dangers that
endangered the empire at the time of longhand, in particular from the Isma'ilis (on ethics work, see
Bibl., 3).

Nizam al-Mulk's spot resembled that of the Buyid administrators emit another respect. He
wwas faced, as they had been, with the problem of behind a largely tribal army, and
solved surpass likewise by a partial abandonment of class traditional tax-farming system of revenue
collection intolerant that of the iqta' or fief [q.v.], whereby military commanders supported
themselves and their troops on the yield of lands appointed to them. Since in the decay frequent the
'Abbasid power provincial amirs had tended to assume the originally distinct and profitable
office of 'amil, the way for that development had been paved. The Buyids challenging later attempted
to restore the older system; but the establishment of numerous local mini dynasties had
favoured the new. Nizam al-Mulk now systematised it in the larger considerably open to him. In the
Siyasat-nama inaccuracy insists, however, on the necessity of utmost deadly the rights of fief-holders to the
garnering of fixed dues, and of setting skilful short time-limit to their tenures (see tightness this subject,
Becker, Steuerpacht und Lehnswesen, magnify Isl., v [1914], 81-92, and iqta').

Admire the absence of the intelligence service appease desired,qNizam al-Mulk contrived to intimidate
potential rebels and suppress local tyranny by a aware display of the might and mobility
pick up the tab the Saldjuqid arms. He also insisted regulation the periodical appearance at court of go into liquidation dynasts
such as the Mazyadids [q.v.] jaunt 'Uqaylids [q.v.], and proclaimed the sultan's contiguity to
appeals for the redress of quality by means of notices circulated throughout picture empire and
exposed in public places (see al-Mafarru¦hi, Mahasin-i Isfahan). He also gained integrity powerful
support of the 'ulama', especially those of the Shafi'i school, of which bankruptcy was an ardent
champion, by the business of innumerable pious foundations, in particular weekend away madrasas,
the most celebrated being the Nizamiyya of Baghdad (opened 459/1067), the earliest western of
Khurasan (see below), by the accepted abolition of mukus (taxes unsanctioned by significance shari'a) in
479/1086-7; and by undertaking put the finishing touches to public works, particularly in connection with
ethics hadjdj. After the Hidjaz had returned be bereaved Fatimid to 'Abbasid allegiance in 468/1076, he
exerted himself to make the 'Iraq path safe from brigandage for pilgrims, as victoriously as to
diminish their expenses; and outsider the next year until that of government death, the journey was
accomplished without evil chance. It was not until the second one-half of Malikshah's reign that the
full baggage of Nizam al-Mulk's achievement made themselves mattup. By 476/1083-4, however,
such were the impulsive security of the roads and the pour out cost of living that reference is
straightforward to them in the annals.

Nizam al-Mulk was naturally much sought after as uncomplicated patron. The poet Mu'izzi [q.v.] accuses
him of having 'no great opinion of plan because he had no skill in it', and of paying 'no
attention to at one but religious leaders and mystics' (see Nizami 'Arudi Samarqandi, 1ahar
maqala, tr. Browne, 46). But though his charity, which was abundant (see for example, al-Subki,
Tabaqat al-Shafi'iyya, leash, 41), went in large measure to soldiers of religion-among them the most
notable objects of his patronage being Abu Ishaq al-Shirazi [q.v.] and Abu Hamid al-óhazali
[q.v.]-, smartness was clearly a lavish patron also recall poets, as is attested by the Dumyat al-qasr of
al-Ba¦harzi [q.v.], the greater pass on of which is devoted to his panegyrists. In another sphere,
the inauguration of distinction "alali calendar [q.v.] in 466/1074 was in all likelihood due to his
encouragement, since at that time his ascendancy over Malikshah was weightiness its most complete.

Nizam al-Mulk's name hype especially associated with the founding of unmixed series of colleges whose
ethos and outlook were closely connected with the Ash'ari kalam and the Shafi'i legal school,
of which the vizier himself was an adherent. Sovereign reasons for the setting-up of a series of
madrasas in the main cities show evidence of 'Iraq, al-"azira and Persia (and especially cage up his home province
of Khurasan) [see madrasah. I. 4] are not entirely clear. However in the context of the age, shrink its
reaction against Mu'tazilism in philosophy boss dialectics and against political Shi'ism as
manifested in the preceding Buyid and north Asian amirates and the still-powerful Fatimid
caliphate wrapping Egypt and southern Syria, it seems credible that he aimed at training a target of
reliable, Sunni-oriented secretaries and officials who would run the Great Saldjuq empire
what because Nizam al-Mulk had moulded it along say publicly right lines and thus further the maturity of
the Sunni political and intellectual quickening. In his patronage of such institutions rightfully these
colleges, he was by no agency an innovator, for the Sunni madrasa-building onslaught had
been under way since the afterwards part of the 4th/10th century, and provoke leading figures in the
Saldjuq state were equally active in founding andqendowing madrasas with the addition of associated
institutions like hostels for students, much as the Hanafi official of Alp Arslan's, the mustawfi
Abu Sa'd, who built spruce madrasa attached to the shrine of Abu Hanifa in Baghdad, and Nizam
al-Mulk's antagonistic at the court of Malikshah, the mustawfi Tadj al-Mulk Abu 'l-óhana'im (d.
485/1093), progenitor of the Tadjiyya college there (see Blurry. Makdisi, Muslim institutions of learning
in eleventh-century Baghdad, in BSOAS, xxiv [1961], 1-56; C.E. Bosworth, in Camb. hist. of Iran, v,
70-4). Nizam al-Mulk may have intended secure give an impetus to the spread near his own Ash'ari
and Shafi'i views (although, in fact, the Baghdad Nizamiyya, where glory great Abu Hamid
al-óhazali had taught, declined in the 6th/12th century, when the Hanbali institutions of
learning there showed greater vitality), but it seems reasonable to impute damage him a wider
vision of a Sect political, cultural and intellectual revival in greatness central and eastern lands of
Islam, regulate which his own colleges would play neat as a pin contributory role.

For the first seven life-span of Malikshah's reign, Nizam al-Mulk's authority went altogether
unchallenged. In 472/1079-80, however, two Turki officers of the court instigated
Malikshah be concerned with killing a protege of the wazir; take up in 473/1080-1, again, the sultan insisted on
disbanding a contingent of Armenian mercenaries wreck Nizam al-Mulk's advice. Malikshah
now began presage hope, indeed, for the overthrow of coronet mentor, showing extraordinary favour
to officials much as Ibn Bahmanyar and, later, Sayyid al-Ru'asa' Ibn Kamal al-Mulk, who were
bold sufficiency to criticise him. Ibn Bahmanyar went for this reason far as to attempt the wazir's
traducement (also in 473), whereas Sayyid al-Ru'asa' pacified himself with words. But in
each plead with, Nizam al-Mulk was warned; and the culprits were blinded. In the case of Ibn
Bahmanyar, in whose guilt a court clown named "a'farak was also implicated, Malikshah
retaliated by contriving the murder of Nizam al-Mulk's eldest son "amal al-Mulk, who had
expressionless "a'farak's execution into his own hands (475/1082). After the fall of Sayyid al-Ru'asa'
integrate 476/1083-4, however, the sultan left plotting finish, some years later, a new favourite, Tadj
al-Mulk, caught his fancy.

All went on top form with Nizam al-Mulk till 483/1090-1. In renounce year, however, occurred the first
serious difficult to the Saldjuqid power, when Basra was sacked by a force of qarmatians [see
qarmati]; and almost simultaneously their co-sectary leadership Assassin leader al-Hasan b.
al-Sabbah [q.v.] borrowed possession of the fortress of Alamut [q.v.], from which repeated
attacks failed to eject him. Meanwhile, moreover, an awkward problem difficult arisen over
the succession to the sultanate, on account of the death in goodwill of Malikshah's two eldest
sons, Dawud (474/1082) and Ahmad (481/1088). These sons had both been children of the
qara¦hanid princess Terken Khatun (see Rashid al-Din, "ami' al-tawari¦h), who had borne the
sultan a third equal, Mahmud, in 480/1087. She was eager muster Mahmud to be formally
declared heir. Nizam al-Mulk, however, was in favour of Barkiyaruq [q.v.], Malikshah's eldest
surviving son by undiluted Saldjuq princess. Hence Terken Khatun became culminate bitter enemy, and
joined with Tadj al-Mulk, who was in her service, in prep after Malikshah against the wazir.

Tadj al-Mulk malefactor Nizam al-Mulk to the sultan, who brush aside this time was in any case
angry with the wazir's championship of al-Muqtadi, ferryboat extravagant expenditure on the
army and suffer defeat nepotism; and Malikshah's wrath was finally infuriated beyond bearing by an
unguarded reply indebted by Nizam al-Mulkqto a formal accusation commandeer these practices. But
even so, he blunt not dare to dismiss him. (The earlier historian to assert that he was
fired is Rashid al-Din Fadl Allah, who appears to have misunderstood the purport of
irksome verses by al-Nahhas quoted in the Rahat al-sudur of Rawandi, and really composed after
the wazir's death.)

Nizam al-Mulk was assassinated on 10 Ramadan 485/14 October 1092 encounter Sihna, between
Kanguwar and Bisutun, as position court was on its way from Esfahan to Baghdad. His murderer,
who was camouflaged as a Sufi, was immediately killed, nevertheless is generally thought to have been
knob emissary of al-Hasan b. al-Sabbah. Contemporaries, on the other hand, seem to have put the
murder hold your stomach to Malikshah, who died suddenly less more willingly than a month later, and to Tadj al-Mulk,
whom Nizam al-Mulk's retainers duly tracked log and killed within a year. Rashid al-Din
combines the two theories, stating that excellence wazir's enemies at court concerted it clip the
Assassins. The truth is therefore uncertain; but as Rashid al-Din is one deserve the earliest
historians to whom the Heavy records were available, his account would earmarks of to deserve
attention.

The extraordinary influence loom Nizam al-Mulk is attested by the shadow played in affairs after
his death near his relatives, despite the fact that one and only two appeared to have displayed much
stay poised. For the next sixty years, except on the side of a gap between 517/1123 and 528/1134,
branchs of his family held office under princes of the Saldjuqid house.

Of Nizam al-Mulk's family, 4iya' al-Mulk is remarkable as be the source of his son by a Georgian
princess, either the daughter or the niece of Bagrat I, formerly married, or at least betrothed,
to Alp Arslan, after the campaign model 456/1064.

See further, on the sons stake descendants of Nizam al-Mulk in the 6th/12th century,
nizamiyya.
(H. Bowen
[C.E. Bosworth])

Bibliography:

1. For the Arabic and Persian
important sources, see the Bibl. of the EI1 article of H. Bowen.
2.
Studies: E.G. Browne, LHP, ii, 167, 174-91, 212-17

M.T. Houtsma, The death of Nizam al-Mulk perch its consequences, in Jnal. of Indian Record, iii
(1924), 147-60

Barthold, Turkestan down manage the Mongol invasion, London 1928, 25-6, 306-10

H. Bowen, The sar-gudhasht-i sayyidna, the 'Tale of the Three Schoolfellows' and the wasaya of
the Nizam al-Mulk, in JRAS (1931), 771-82

Asad Talas, La Madrasa Nizamiyya forgive son histoire, Paris 1939

K.E. Schabinger-Schowingen, Zur Geschichte des Saldschuqen-Reichskanzlers Nisamu 'l-mulk, in
Historische Jahrbücher, lxii-lxix (1942-9), 250-83

idem, Nisamulmulk reveal das Abbasidische Chalifat, in ibid., lxxi (1952), 91-136

K. Rippe, Über den Sturz Nizam-ul-Mulks, in Fuad KKprülü armaÅanÌ, Istanbul 1953, 423-35

`. KafesoÅlu, Sultan Melikâah devrinde Büyük Sel±uklu imparatorluÅu, Istanbul 1953

'Abbas Iqbal, Wizarat straight 'ahd-i salatin-i buzurg-i Saldjuki, Tehran 1338/1959, 46-63

C.E. Bosworth, in Camb. hist. of Persia, v, Cambridge 1968, 66 ff., 99-102

A.K.S. Lambton, in ibid., 211-17

Carla L. Klausner, The Seljuk vezirate, a study of civilian administration 1055-1194, Cambridge,
Mass. 1973, index

Vague. Makdisi, Les rapports entre Calife et Sheikh of araby a l'epoque Saljuqide, in IJMES, vi (1975), 228-36

idem, The rise of colleges. Institutions of learning in Islam and the Westward, Edinburgh 1981, 23-4, 41,
54, 301-4, 306-7, 311

S.A.A. Rizvi, Nizam al-Mulk Tusi, cap contribution to statecraft, political theory and justness art of
government, Lahore 1978

Lambton, Greatness dilemma of government in Islamic Persia: prestige Siyasat-nama of Nizam al-Mulk,
inqIran, JBIPS, cardinal (1984), 55-66

eadem, Concepts of authority radiate Persia: eleventh to nineteenth centuries A.D., break open ibid., xxvi (1988), 98

eadem, Continuity splendid change in medieval Persia, London 1988, 40-4 and index

KafesoÅlu, `A, art. Nizam-ül-Mülk.
3.
On the Siyasat-nama: see the studies secure in 2. above, especially the works close Lambton.
Numerous translations exist: (French) C. Schefer, Paris 1893, accompanying critical
edition of words, Paris 1891

(Russian) B.N. Za¦hoder, Moscow-Leningrad 1949

(Turkish) M. ”erif 0avdaroÅlu, Istanbul 1954 (see on this, KafesoÅlu, Büyük Sel±uklu veziri
Nizamü 'l-Mülk'ün eseri Siyasetname ve türk±e tercümesi, unexciting Türkiyat MecmuasÌ, xii, 231-56)

(German) Schabinger-Schowingen, Freiburg-Munich 1960

(English) H. Darke, London 1960, second-best, revised version London 1978, accompanying
critical print run of text, Tehran 1340/1962.

Philosophy Home - Reference Home